Activism is huge when it comes to creating a change. There is all sorts of activism that we see being taken around the world since the beginning of time. We saw Ghandi go on a hunger strike, or Martin Luther King Jr. marching to the nations capital. Although there are many different kinds of activism it sometimes is hard to decipher what is the right kind of activism.
When we watched in class the protesters in Mizzou there was one kind of activism. We saw these students create a blockade so that the president was unable to pass them and therefore had to listen to what they had to say during the homecoming parade. This was a more physical activism that was held. This activism may be seen as effective to some because people were forced to listen to them and they were not moving. However, some other people like some of the parade goers may have thought this was not the way to go about it. We saw some Mizzou fans trying to get them to move out of the way so the president could go on with the parade. These fans may have seen this type of activism as disruption to their homecoming parade and didn't think it was effective.
At our school we saw a different kind of activism. To coincide with the African American students at Mizzou three African American students at Alabama shared their personal stories with how racism has effected them here. Although this is not a physical sense of activism it still was very effective because it went viral and many people were able to hear the personal in-justifications they have faced while being at Alabama.
In another video we watched it showed how undocumented immigrants went about showing their activism. After one girl's mother got taken from her and was to be sent out of the country she started having people sign a petition for her mother. This petitioning ultimately worked in her case and she was able to have the bus that her mother was on turn around and she was able to be with her mother again.
Although there are many kinds of activism it is hard to distinguish which the most effective kind of activism. Is it something physical so people are forced to hear and participate with? Or is it something that is an option that people can listen to so they can hear about personal stories of those who have felt some kind of oppression. Or is it something where having power in numbers and getting people to sign a petition?
Wednesday, November 18, 2015
How To Be Effective?
When it comes to matters of social injustices, being "civil" tends to be quite one-sided. Having a voice or speaking out about unjust acts are considered to be a problem knowing that the issue at hand needs to be properly addressed. For instance, the University of Alabama has a well-known history of covering up segregation and racial discrimination for years and still continues to make little to no improvements on solving the matters. Recently, we have encountered numerous problems with some of the predominately white sororities/fraternities displaying racism, people writing racial slurs, hanging nooses, and The Machine. Even though these situations were acknowledged, all that was really given was a apology letter from the school president which is fine, but I feel administrators could have done a whole lot more.
A video has also been released as of last week of 3 African American UA students who spoke out against the institutionalized racism on our campus; 1 out of the 3 students was our SGA President, Elliott Spillers shared his personal experiences dealing with racism here. I found this a highly effective and strategic way to bring about the awareness to the persistence of discrimination, especially when they exposed the hidden histories of particular buildings and their dark secrets. I am glad that they incorporated this within the documentary because there are a lot of people on this campus who do not know hardly any of the history of this campus besides football and the blocking of the doors.
Activism is all about effectiveness and effectiveness is all about leveraging one's talents or level of expertise. I feel these 3 did a great job of utilizing their testimonies and abilities to come up with the perfect solution to address racial inequalities. It grabbed the attention of many and it informed people of the injustices that African Americans or people of minority have to face on a day to day basis.
A video has also been released as of last week of 3 African American UA students who spoke out against the institutionalized racism on our campus; 1 out of the 3 students was our SGA President, Elliott Spillers shared his personal experiences dealing with racism here. I found this a highly effective and strategic way to bring about the awareness to the persistence of discrimination, especially when they exposed the hidden histories of particular buildings and their dark secrets. I am glad that they incorporated this within the documentary because there are a lot of people on this campus who do not know hardly any of the history of this campus besides football and the blocking of the doors.
Activism is all about effectiveness and effectiveness is all about leveraging one's talents or level of expertise. I feel these 3 did a great job of utilizing their testimonies and abilities to come up with the perfect solution to address racial inequalities. It grabbed the attention of many and it informed people of the injustices that African Americans or people of minority have to face on a day to day basis.
Tuesday, November 17, 2015
Activism and the Importance of Fugitivity
One question that constantly perturbs me with regards to
student activism is the ability to form coalitions on some issues even if there
are deep disagrements between different aspects of the coalition that is being
formed. A clear case on campus was the recent protest that was held in response
to a student being tasered on campus. I fundamentally believe that combatting
police brutality is important. Standing up for community control of the police
is important. What happened on Last saturday was tragic, avoidable and cruel.
But I also believe that choosing to combat police brutality with the slogan
#fratlivesmatter is beyond ignorant of the way in which privilege is
constructed in society. White fraternity boys are not systematically
disenfranchised and subject to undue scrutiny by the police, black people are.
White fraternity boys aren't assumed to be criminal, black people are.
I believe that any conversation about police brutality, in
Tuscaloosa or nationally, has to understand that while brutality is an issue
that affects us all, we are not all affected equally. But this put me at odds
with activism that was being done last week in response to the police
brutality. There were two independent protests that were being organized, one
by independent and progressive students who I usually take to be “woke” and
organizing the protests for the right reasons; the other protest was being
organized by Alliance which is the public watchdog group founded this year by
the Machine to have a more transparent and public presence, and organized the
protest for all the wrong reasons, attempting to generate a media firestorm around
the slogans #alllivesmatter and #fratlivesmatter. This seemed like a simple
choice – choose the independent protest that included persons of color and wasn’t
endorsed by an organization that perpetuates institutionalized racism on campus
and around the state. But this seemingly
easy choice became a lot more complicated when both groups decided to merge their
protests and hold one unified front against police brutality.
Should I
have chosen to align myself with the larger movement, even though I know many
of the protesters didn’t have the best interest of the persons most affected by
police brutality in mind, or should I have chosen to abstain from the movement
even through it represented the peak of student activism on the issue? I ended
up choosing not to participate in that protest because I found myself unable to
reconcile the idea that I would be a part of a protest where we would see
postitive messages like #blacklivesmatter when they are diluted by standing
side by side with messages like #alllivesmatter? I found that it was very
important to me that the reasons given by protestors were ones that would make
a population affected by the issue feel unsafe or not protected in that space,
which seemed to me to be the whole point of the protest. Thankfully, there was
an independent sit-in organized by students of color the next day that I felt
much more comfortable with, that didn’t allow the machine to participate and
firmly organized in response to the issues going on at Mizzou and Yale and
focused not just on police brutality but on issues that affect black students
and students of color more generally.
I find this
to be a very difficult problem to solve however that usually doesn’t have such
a clean and easy solution. I think that the reasons that motivate a movement
are important because the reasons we care about something shape our response to
that problem, which is why it totally misses the point to say #alllivesmatter
in response to #blacklivesmatter because saying totally misunderstands how privilege
is constructed in society. So this commitment to care about the reasons that we
use to justify our actions, and not simply our ability to unite around some
issues that end up affecting even privileged groups in society. By giving way
on reasons that motivate a movement, truly important messages face being
co-opted by a dominant norm in society and fail to actually challenge a norm in
civil society. This seems like a high minded opinion, because at some point –
any visibility is good, right? Actually the continual, ever present, and
insidious ability for civil society to co-opt movements like the one discussed
motivates a lot of afro-pessmist literature that makes the claim that “There is
something organic to civil society that makes it essential to the destruction
of the Black body. Blackness is a positionality of "absolute
dereliction" (Fanon), abandonment, in the face of civil society, and
therefore cannot establish itself, or be established, through hegemonic
interventions. Blackness cannot become one of civil society's many junior
partners: Black citizenship, or Black civic obligation, are oxymorons”
(Wilderson)”.
Even if you, like I do, reject the fundamental notion of
afro-pessimism, that blackness is ontological and unchanging, the viability of
this position, even within academic spaces, helps to explain the continual
problem of co-opt within acitivism and the importance of operating through
politics of secrecy, fugitivity and disruption, not through the channels that
sanitize and whiten a movement.
(Frank B., “The Prison Slave as Hegemony’s (Silent)
Scandal”, Soc Justice 30 no2 2003, Accessed 8-4-12, MR)
Activism I believe plays a major role in making an influence on society. We've been taught as "good American" citizens that if something is the law, then that makes if right. we're taught this, not always taking into account those affected by that law; or even affected at all. Also if "that's just the way it is" then we're taught to live with things the way they are. The novel On Palestine, Chomsky and Pappé elaborate on the significance of knowing the past. The history of the Palestine and Israel conflict prior to the corruption, people tend to look at what is now and not how it started and the nooks and crannies of what is not talked about. In the film Five Broken Cameras, Emad was just an average man the recored his everyday life ad as a class we saw the power of activism and the influence it can make on other to want to make a change.
Another good example of knowing the past and the role activism plays within knowledge of the past. The University of Alabama, one of the most beautiful campuses is covered in human stains of bigotry, racism, and activism. The recent events happening across the nation on college campuses, events that confront the issues that some dare not to speak of; such as racism on campus that still occurs and gets swept under the rug. Yet no one dares to speak up about it and if they do it goes ignored. Activism is not only standing up for a belief or injustice, but it also serves as a voice. Voice for those in fear of speaking up whether it's a viral video of individual experiences, like what UA students did; Or walking out of class in protest. Activism is such a powerful tool because speaking up is also an action. Actions speak louder than words, influences, and are very important in order to stand for something. As people of this nation we are given that right and make a change and I feel it is necessary to exercise it when in need of the change.
Another good example of knowing the past and the role activism plays within knowledge of the past. The University of Alabama, one of the most beautiful campuses is covered in human stains of bigotry, racism, and activism. The recent events happening across the nation on college campuses, events that confront the issues that some dare not to speak of; such as racism on campus that still occurs and gets swept under the rug. Yet no one dares to speak up about it and if they do it goes ignored. Activism is not only standing up for a belief or injustice, but it also serves as a voice. Voice for those in fear of speaking up whether it's a viral video of individual experiences, like what UA students did; Or walking out of class in protest. Activism is such a powerful tool because speaking up is also an action. Actions speak louder than words, influences, and are very important in order to stand for something. As people of this nation we are given that right and make a change and I feel it is necessary to exercise it when in need of the change.
Monday, November 16, 2015
Student Activism and Adversity to Change
Activism and advocacy on behalf of those who cannot, for whatever reasons, voice their experiences and speak for themselves on behalf of those experiences, has been a large part of my own identity during my time at The University of Alabama. Living in state that is largely seen as regressive, oppressive, and out of touch with reality, while tempting to stand behind as a legitimate statement, would be doing a disservice to individuals like myself and my fellow faculty, staff, and students, whom all take part in voicing in various tones of resilience and resistance, "No, we will not be ignored." Alabama, and the South as a whole, is given this label as being backwards, reluctant, and otherwise, archaic in its social norms and ideologies. And yes, parts of that are true. Though there is an inherent trend of activism and advocacy originating at the college campus level both at The University of Alabama (and throughout the country, more on this later). However, I'd like to emphasize our campus situation first and foremost.
For me, as an individual, that fine line between the personal and the political is often a blurred and very gray area. It is not a place that exists with a clear boundary demarcating between the two. Rather, I go to school, as an out gay male, on a campus that was built on the backs of African American labor, which celebrates the victories and triumphs of the hegemonic masculinity complex, coupled with the "illustrious" (and I use that term very loosely) history of privileged individuals born of "old money" whom have never really been told "no" in their lives. On a nearly daily basis, I see my classmates fighting to be heard on issues of racism, sexism, heterosexism, homophobia, transphobia, issues of body-shaming, ableism, and the like. I go to a school where we celebrate football victories in front of buildings named by heterosexual white males for heterosexual white supremacists, racists, and eugenicists. I go to school on a campus where I am called derogatory words while walking through specific areas of campus, regardless of the time of day, simply because I carry my politics on my bag, on my person, and in my demeanor. I go to school on a campus that prides itself on being "The Capstone of Higher Education" but does not hold a single full-time diversity staff position nor a diversity center of any sorts. I go to school on a campus where my fellow classmates are judged by issues of social construction such as race, gender, sexuality, and the like, versus being judged by the merits of their academic prowess, their intellectual dexterity, and their social magnitude, many of which center themselves on fighting on behalf of the very individuals that I began discussing. Those who cannot speak for themselves. The complexity of the issues at hand are intertwined with the complexity of the institutions that perpetuate those issues, whether they result in acts of oppression, erasure, feelings of invisibility, feelings of being ignored, unwanted, or simply inhuman. The complexity of the issues is not a bad thing. I will elaborate on this in a bit.
In light of what has transpired in the last few weeks, coupled with the experiences that I have had at this university, it is abundantly clear that the power dynamics of what is "said to have happened" and what "actually happened" are alive and well at The University of Alabama. Our campus is divided between the narratives of those in power. The privileged, the prestigious, and the hegemonic. And the silenced and marginalized narratives of those living on the edges of campus, in the borderlands, to borrow from our class discussion, in which we are seen as being on campus but not fully acknowledged as being a part of that campus environment. As a classmate referenced recently, there is a tremendous amount of in-fighting that occurs on this campus among groups that pride themselves on being social justice advocates, activists, and fighters for truth, justice, and equality. And yet, they manage to spend more time tearing down their fellow students for something that is only given significance because of the institutions that perpetuate these constructions and oppressive elements. The very institutions that individuals like myself and my fellow activists fight against. The very fight that is often ignored because in order to do so, those in power would have to give up both some of that power, as well as accept responsibility for the actions that have resulted in a need for that very activism. There seems to be this innate message that difference of experience automatically equates to a difference of significance, thus negating individuals whose subjectivity and experience differ from our own are somehow less than human and thus less worthy of our efforts or our attention. As Kiese Laymon referenced in the Q&A section of his discussion at UA recently, if we are to effect change, we must put aside the differences within our respective groups, student organizations, departments, and otherwise, and come together, through the commonalities shared among us as members of The University of Alabama, to join our unique and different experiences and talents together for a common goal. The complexity of that difference is what makes us human. Embracing that difference as an asset and a tool for empowerment is what will unite us.
In the end, I want to be able to say that I went to school on a campus that was heavily and historically divided but I graduated from a school and a campus that was able to effect change and unite in the fight to give voice to the need for those changes, whether they be the installment of a Chief Diversity Officer, the establishment of a diversity or multicultural center, or even on a smaller scale, the campus-wide advertisement and circulation of diversity programming, events, or curriculum offerings, thus creating opportunities for learning, education, awareness, involvement, and engagement with not only the problems created by these institutions of oppression but also active engagement in the dialogues and discourse surrounding solutions to these issues.
For me, as an individual, that fine line between the personal and the political is often a blurred and very gray area. It is not a place that exists with a clear boundary demarcating between the two. Rather, I go to school, as an out gay male, on a campus that was built on the backs of African American labor, which celebrates the victories and triumphs of the hegemonic masculinity complex, coupled with the "illustrious" (and I use that term very loosely) history of privileged individuals born of "old money" whom have never really been told "no" in their lives. On a nearly daily basis, I see my classmates fighting to be heard on issues of racism, sexism, heterosexism, homophobia, transphobia, issues of body-shaming, ableism, and the like. I go to a school where we celebrate football victories in front of buildings named by heterosexual white males for heterosexual white supremacists, racists, and eugenicists. I go to school on a campus where I am called derogatory words while walking through specific areas of campus, regardless of the time of day, simply because I carry my politics on my bag, on my person, and in my demeanor. I go to school on a campus that prides itself on being "The Capstone of Higher Education" but does not hold a single full-time diversity staff position nor a diversity center of any sorts. I go to school on a campus where my fellow classmates are judged by issues of social construction such as race, gender, sexuality, and the like, versus being judged by the merits of their academic prowess, their intellectual dexterity, and their social magnitude, many of which center themselves on fighting on behalf of the very individuals that I began discussing. Those who cannot speak for themselves. The complexity of the issues at hand are intertwined with the complexity of the institutions that perpetuate those issues, whether they result in acts of oppression, erasure, feelings of invisibility, feelings of being ignored, unwanted, or simply inhuman. The complexity of the issues is not a bad thing. I will elaborate on this in a bit.
In light of what has transpired in the last few weeks, coupled with the experiences that I have had at this university, it is abundantly clear that the power dynamics of what is "said to have happened" and what "actually happened" are alive and well at The University of Alabama. Our campus is divided between the narratives of those in power. The privileged, the prestigious, and the hegemonic. And the silenced and marginalized narratives of those living on the edges of campus, in the borderlands, to borrow from our class discussion, in which we are seen as being on campus but not fully acknowledged as being a part of that campus environment. As a classmate referenced recently, there is a tremendous amount of in-fighting that occurs on this campus among groups that pride themselves on being social justice advocates, activists, and fighters for truth, justice, and equality. And yet, they manage to spend more time tearing down their fellow students for something that is only given significance because of the institutions that perpetuate these constructions and oppressive elements. The very institutions that individuals like myself and my fellow activists fight against. The very fight that is often ignored because in order to do so, those in power would have to give up both some of that power, as well as accept responsibility for the actions that have resulted in a need for that very activism. There seems to be this innate message that difference of experience automatically equates to a difference of significance, thus negating individuals whose subjectivity and experience differ from our own are somehow less than human and thus less worthy of our efforts or our attention. As Kiese Laymon referenced in the Q&A section of his discussion at UA recently, if we are to effect change, we must put aside the differences within our respective groups, student organizations, departments, and otherwise, and come together, through the commonalities shared among us as members of The University of Alabama, to join our unique and different experiences and talents together for a common goal. The complexity of that difference is what makes us human. Embracing that difference as an asset and a tool for empowerment is what will unite us.
In the end, I want to be able to say that I went to school on a campus that was heavily and historically divided but I graduated from a school and a campus that was able to effect change and unite in the fight to give voice to the need for those changes, whether they be the installment of a Chief Diversity Officer, the establishment of a diversity or multicultural center, or even on a smaller scale, the campus-wide advertisement and circulation of diversity programming, events, or curriculum offerings, thus creating opportunities for learning, education, awareness, involvement, and engagement with not only the problems created by these institutions of oppression but also active engagement in the dialogues and discourse surrounding solutions to these issues.
A is for Activist and E is for Educate
Something that I think bridges all of our studies thus far and the idea of becoming, continuing, or improving our activism, is that we must first know that these things are happening, then why or the historical and present day contexts of those events, who is being effected, and what we can do to help. However, so often we never are given the chance to learn and can't even conceptualize the first step. If you don't know about how Free-Trade Agreements affect small agriculture in Mexico, you can't even begin to consider that to be part of your activist agenda. If you do not know that the Dominican Republic retroactively rescinded tens of thousands of peoples citizenship, you cannot begin to consider the global need for combating statelessness, or even what that concept is. Thus, first to advocate we must understand, and to get people angry and ready to act they need to understand their own histories and the experiences of others. I'd argue that no activism or movement can exist without a collective knowledge and understanding of past and current traumas that bind everyone to a common purpose and create solidarity.
Standing in the way of such activism is the lack of information. Particularly when thinking about immigrant activism, as a white middle-class woman, I have never had to consider that without documents I would not be able to access so many everyday and essential things. I mean the Tuscaloosa Library even requires photo ID, for Pete's sake. From the smallest to the largest things, undocumented immigrants are denied access to necessary goods and services, but if I don't seek to learn about these experiences I could easily underestimate the fear and difficulty that accompanies undocumented status.
We must all begin by education ourselves about our pasts and presents and those of others, all within a framework of intersectionality that seeks to build solidarity to achieve the most comprehensive liberation possible. As activists it is our job to never stop learning about what is happening to others in the world and considering how we contribute to those oppressions and what we can do to help.
With knowledge comes the anger that incites us to act. To build inclusive communities and work towards liberation.
Standing in the way of such activism is the lack of information. Particularly when thinking about immigrant activism, as a white middle-class woman, I have never had to consider that without documents I would not be able to access so many everyday and essential things. I mean the Tuscaloosa Library even requires photo ID, for Pete's sake. From the smallest to the largest things, undocumented immigrants are denied access to necessary goods and services, but if I don't seek to learn about these experiences I could easily underestimate the fear and difficulty that accompanies undocumented status.
We must all begin by education ourselves about our pasts and presents and those of others, all within a framework of intersectionality that seeks to build solidarity to achieve the most comprehensive liberation possible. As activists it is our job to never stop learning about what is happening to others in the world and considering how we contribute to those oppressions and what we can do to help.
With knowledge comes the anger that incites us to act. To build inclusive communities and work towards liberation.
UA Activism and Structures of Oppression
I have a vested interest in the activism that takes place on this campus. I think it's important, and as we all know there are structures of power in place that keep our student body segregated, white-washed, and dependent on the upper-class for leadership and administrative appointments.
A question was asked at the Kiese Laymon talk on Thursday. A young black woman wondered how, in the face of segregation, could this campus bring communities together across lines to enact change? Laymon gave a wonderful, and relevant, reply commenting on the need for communities (Black, White, Greek, Non-Greek) to fix their internal problems first and make sure they are a cohesive unit ready to make moves as one. However, I think a key part of what we're missing in that answer pertains directly to the activists on this campus. I have watched activist groups form and try to move forward time and time again over the past 4 years. I am a member of the Student Leadership Council and we pride ourselves in the activism we attempt at this university, combating dating/domestic violence, sexual assault, and social inequalities. But I think that within the activist community on this campus there is a desire for notoriety. There is a need for recognition and publicity for their leadership and members. There are TONS of campus orgs that are all doing the same things but moving in sporadic directions. Organizations like BLEND and SODEL formed, and while their goals are commendable, they are overlapping (as is there membership). I see groups doing similar things in the feminist realm, but instead of working together, they are working as individuals. I see a lot of white honors students leading the way in the name of their fellow black students and question whether this is a white savior complex that has even bothered to include the large black organizations on campus in their planning and implementation.
I guess what I'm trying to say is, on this campus there is competition among our activists. I am guilty of it. We fight these fights for so long, we are told to keep fighting, we are told our fight is worthless, and we are educated repeatedly on how dire many of our causes are- all these conflict and create schisms in our student body. We are young and seeking to achieve change and greatness. We see these problems and are emboldened to go forth and stand up. But we forget there are those who should stand in front. We forget there are those already standing. We forget that there are those we left behind. We have to move as one.
Watching the activism and change unfold at Mizzou has inspired students on UA's campus. However, the protest staged on Friday morning around the idea that UA has similar issues and that diversity needs to be addressed, was under advertised and disorganized. It's not that I don't think it should have happened- I commend those students. I understand there is a fire in every black student on this campus I will never know the heat of. I cannot comprehend what it feels like to be invisible. But if we combine our passion, perhaps we could enact real change instead of having to read emails from our President (that didn't even mention race) attempting to place a bandaid on old, historical, infrastructurally maintained wounds.
Our administration wants to save face. But the face of the administration is one steeped in economic and power hungry old money. Greek alumni control most of the happenings on this campus. Football creates a God complex around athletes and coaches, and forms a barrier between the student body and the beast that the football regime has become.
Transparency and communication is key. If UA activists want to achieve any sort of change at a momentum, we have to organize together. We have to reach across apathy and community lines. We have to set the agenda and present it to the public in a way that makes it understandable, but still relays how dire these issues are. Transparency is key. We cannot leave room for any critique that would undermine our goals. Power structures within the administration, faculty, and student body must be displayed for the nation to see.
Every year we make the news for racism in the Greek community. Wouldn't it be nice to read an article about how inclusive our activists are? How intersecting our agendas are? How everyone got to say what they finally were feeling, and that we couldn't be ignored anymore?
A question was asked at the Kiese Laymon talk on Thursday. A young black woman wondered how, in the face of segregation, could this campus bring communities together across lines to enact change? Laymon gave a wonderful, and relevant, reply commenting on the need for communities (Black, White, Greek, Non-Greek) to fix their internal problems first and make sure they are a cohesive unit ready to make moves as one. However, I think a key part of what we're missing in that answer pertains directly to the activists on this campus. I have watched activist groups form and try to move forward time and time again over the past 4 years. I am a member of the Student Leadership Council and we pride ourselves in the activism we attempt at this university, combating dating/domestic violence, sexual assault, and social inequalities. But I think that within the activist community on this campus there is a desire for notoriety. There is a need for recognition and publicity for their leadership and members. There are TONS of campus orgs that are all doing the same things but moving in sporadic directions. Organizations like BLEND and SODEL formed, and while their goals are commendable, they are overlapping (as is there membership). I see groups doing similar things in the feminist realm, but instead of working together, they are working as individuals. I see a lot of white honors students leading the way in the name of their fellow black students and question whether this is a white savior complex that has even bothered to include the large black organizations on campus in their planning and implementation.
I guess what I'm trying to say is, on this campus there is competition among our activists. I am guilty of it. We fight these fights for so long, we are told to keep fighting, we are told our fight is worthless, and we are educated repeatedly on how dire many of our causes are- all these conflict and create schisms in our student body. We are young and seeking to achieve change and greatness. We see these problems and are emboldened to go forth and stand up. But we forget there are those who should stand in front. We forget there are those already standing. We forget that there are those we left behind. We have to move as one.
Watching the activism and change unfold at Mizzou has inspired students on UA's campus. However, the protest staged on Friday morning around the idea that UA has similar issues and that diversity needs to be addressed, was under advertised and disorganized. It's not that I don't think it should have happened- I commend those students. I understand there is a fire in every black student on this campus I will never know the heat of. I cannot comprehend what it feels like to be invisible. But if we combine our passion, perhaps we could enact real change instead of having to read emails from our President (that didn't even mention race) attempting to place a bandaid on old, historical, infrastructurally maintained wounds.
Our administration wants to save face. But the face of the administration is one steeped in economic and power hungry old money. Greek alumni control most of the happenings on this campus. Football creates a God complex around athletes and coaches, and forms a barrier between the student body and the beast that the football regime has become.
Transparency and communication is key. If UA activists want to achieve any sort of change at a momentum, we have to organize together. We have to reach across apathy and community lines. We have to set the agenda and present it to the public in a way that makes it understandable, but still relays how dire these issues are. Transparency is key. We cannot leave room for any critique that would undermine our goals. Power structures within the administration, faculty, and student body must be displayed for the nation to see.
Every year we make the news for racism in the Greek community. Wouldn't it be nice to read an article about how inclusive our activists are? How intersecting our agendas are? How everyone got to say what they finally were feeling, and that we couldn't be ignored anymore?
Wednesday, November 11, 2015
Innocence Is Not An Option
While viewing 5 Broken Cameras, the phrase "loss of innocence" stuck with me the most throughout the the entire film. Watching the children sticking by their father's sides to fight to have their voices heard even when they were not really fully understanding what was going on was an eye opener for me. Seeing how situations escalated from people getting gassed, injured, or resulting in casualties, the children presumed aiding for the cause.
Regarding to how the villagers were being affected by the Israeli West Bank barrier, it became quite clear why everyone was involved. It makes sense as to why the parents of these children were supportive of their children being actively involved with the protests at such an early age; even though the children are at risk of danger, keeping them away from it will only confuse them more in my opinion. The option of keeping "innocence" is non-existent for them because if they aware of what is going on they will be better prepared for what happens next, but if not informed or have witnessed the protest, their everyday lives will constantly be affected by the positioning of the barrier and how it affects the livelihood of neighboring villagers.
These children are placed in a difficult position when it comes to matters like these; "innocence" is not even feasible. Hopefully, the knowledge gained about the issue that some of the children actively involve in can create better awareness for the Bil'in villagers to positively impact when problems like these arise in different forms.
Regarding to how the villagers were being affected by the Israeli West Bank barrier, it became quite clear why everyone was involved. It makes sense as to why the parents of these children were supportive of their children being actively involved with the protests at such an early age; even though the children are at risk of danger, keeping them away from it will only confuse them more in my opinion. The option of keeping "innocence" is non-existent for them because if they aware of what is going on they will be better prepared for what happens next, but if not informed or have witnessed the protest, their everyday lives will constantly be affected by the positioning of the barrier and how it affects the livelihood of neighboring villagers.
These children are placed in a difficult position when it comes to matters like these; "innocence" is not even feasible. Hopefully, the knowledge gained about the issue that some of the children actively involve in can create better awareness for the Bil'in villagers to positively impact when problems like these arise in different forms.
Influential Media
I didn't know much about the conflict between Israel and Palestine. I found it interesting how the media covers the conflict as a whole. Its really a messed up situation because most don't know what actually is going on over there unless they are there. Journalist have political ties and also just basically cover stories that interest them and they make their side of the fight look better through biased practices. Phrases like "brutal murder," "mass murder," "savage cold blooded killing," "lynching" and "slaughter" were used to describe the death of Israelis but not the death of Palestinians. There are articles that refer to Palestinians as terrorist and then you have Palestinians who refer to Israelis as "extremists" and "vigilantes". The Battle of Jenin is a good example of how exaggeration in media occurs. What separates a journalists from other types of publications like propaganda, fiction, or entertainment is that they have ethical standards to follow and they check their facts and make sure their sources are credible. Well, in the Battle of Jenin there was an article that was posted that claimed a massacre had taken place and that hundreds of Palestinians were dead. Come to find out the death toll was 50 and in fact a massacre did not take place. Basically what is going on is you have the Palestinians who want the Isrealis to look bad and Israelis who want the Palestinians to look bad. So in essence, what is being posted about the conflict is not true journalism it is propaganda. It will also being interesting to see how social media influences this conflict. There could be live broadcastings of these radical events going on and anyone across the world can see them.
"Thanks to mobile recording technology, Palestinian and Israeli leaders have lost control of the narrative—and of their own extremists."
American Media in the Palestine-Israel Conflict and Untold Narratives of Palestine/Israel/Middle East
In this course, we have learned that the narratives shared in history are often those who held power within the context of that historical period. What we also learned is that there are numerous narratives that are silenced by those in power. In addition to that, we have learned that what occurs in reality and what we perceive to have occurred can often be two very different things.
Case in point. The following article from CNN on "What You Need to Know About the Israel-Palestine Conflict." While the article does gleam over some key elements of the current situation in Palestine and Israel, particularly in the highly contested Gaza/West Bank regions, it does not really delve into the depths of the historical origins of this conflict. It doesn't discuss concepts of colonialism, Zionism, neocolonialism, or the like. It merely glosses over the fact that there is a conflict and that, in terms of political involvement, there is "a lot of talk and very little action."
Israel-Palestine Conflict - What You Need to Know
I find this interesting given the long-term involvement of the U.S. in this conflict, in one form or another, largely as a right-hand, as it were, to Israel. It's like the opening of On Palestine refers, like speaks to like. The colonialist attitude permeates different areas. If it is deemed "to have worked for so and so then maybe it'll work for us?" Well, we see how well that mentality has played out in the world.
The following article link, "Gay Palestinians in Israel: 'The Invisible Man,' focuses on the borderlands identity, as it were, of gay Palestinians, forced out of their homes, as homosexuality is a capital offense in areas along the Gaza Strip, though not the West Bank; however, LGBT rights are protected in neither. There is no safe haven in their own Palestine, nor in Israel, where many flee to places like Tel Aviv. They are treated as enemies to the state in both areas and are often forced to face deportation or potential coercive manners, such as serving as informants for the Israeli forces in exchange for a lessened sentence or their freedom. This essentially creates their own version of statelessness as they live along the borders of both societies and the Middle East in general.
Gay Palestinians in Israel: The Invisible Man
And lastly, for those interested in the intersection of sexuality and Palestinian identity, I found this article on a recent documentary on gay Palestinians living in the gay-friendly area of Tel Aviv and their experiences with the Israel-Palestine conflict.
New Film Explores Struggles of Gay Palestinians
Here is the trailer for this documentary:
"Oriented" Trailer - YouTube
Case in point. The following article from CNN on "What You Need to Know About the Israel-Palestine Conflict." While the article does gleam over some key elements of the current situation in Palestine and Israel, particularly in the highly contested Gaza/West Bank regions, it does not really delve into the depths of the historical origins of this conflict. It doesn't discuss concepts of colonialism, Zionism, neocolonialism, or the like. It merely glosses over the fact that there is a conflict and that, in terms of political involvement, there is "a lot of talk and very little action."
Israel-Palestine Conflict - What You Need to Know
I find this interesting given the long-term involvement of the U.S. in this conflict, in one form or another, largely as a right-hand, as it were, to Israel. It's like the opening of On Palestine refers, like speaks to like. The colonialist attitude permeates different areas. If it is deemed "to have worked for so and so then maybe it'll work for us?" Well, we see how well that mentality has played out in the world.
The following article link, "Gay Palestinians in Israel: 'The Invisible Man,' focuses on the borderlands identity, as it were, of gay Palestinians, forced out of their homes, as homosexuality is a capital offense in areas along the Gaza Strip, though not the West Bank; however, LGBT rights are protected in neither. There is no safe haven in their own Palestine, nor in Israel, where many flee to places like Tel Aviv. They are treated as enemies to the state in both areas and are often forced to face deportation or potential coercive manners, such as serving as informants for the Israeli forces in exchange for a lessened sentence or their freedom. This essentially creates their own version of statelessness as they live along the borders of both societies and the Middle East in general.
Gay Palestinians in Israel: The Invisible Man
And lastly, for those interested in the intersection of sexuality and Palestinian identity, I found this article on a recent documentary on gay Palestinians living in the gay-friendly area of Tel Aviv and their experiences with the Israel-Palestine conflict.
New Film Explores Struggles of Gay Palestinians
Here is the trailer for this documentary:
"Oriented" Trailer - YouTube
Tuesday, November 10, 2015
Through the Eyes of Palestinian Children
After having viewed the movie in class, 5 broken cameras, I learned to have a greater and deeper perception on not only the area as a whole, but the way that families are run and respected within Palestine. Much of the film focuses on the father and his role as superior house-taker and male dominator similar to our own "American Dream" or what it used to rely on. Additionally, the wife is pushed into the shadows of her cleaning and care-taking duties the children are somewhat more of the spotlight throughout the film. This made me come to terms with how sensitive the father wasn't acting and being towards his son about the violence that goes on everyday. But for in my opinion, the father, Emad, did this only for pure good reasons.
I believe that in referencing the earlier discussions in this class of the "poverty-stricken circle" I believe this too can relate to this violent-stricken future of this Palestinian race. I somehow understand why much of the scenes of huge violent tear gas and bombs being thrown are somewhat understood to have small children around. Only, because yes, its horrific to see and have such young faces near all of this hate, but sadly, it seems unlikely that this harsh environment is only going to continue for their generation. I also think it's crucial for the young boys to see their elders standing up to this police force and showing that they aren't giving up and fight for their land and removal of the wall. It's important for the young children to carry this spirit and drive into their generation so that one day maybe this all can end for the greater good of the Palestinians. While I think it is right to have this energy and power pursued through generations I only think that children should SEE and watch it all from afar, never be involved in it at a young age. That is not what I focus on. However, sadly that is the case sometimes, they are put in far too much danger that no children should have to face.
I found a brief article that talks about the "excessive force" on Palestinian children. It highlights the intense images that these children are pained with throughout Palestine. The article says ""Amid escalating violence and an increasingly militarized environment where Israeli forces and settlers operate with complete impunity, Palestinian children have been subject to disproportionate violence" (Strickland 1). It gives extreme facts on how nearly 201 children of Palestine have been injured. That these young children will not have psychological scars for the rest of their lives. This "disapproproiate" violence is so hard to read about and to see in the movie 5 Broken Cameras and in articles such as these. So my concluding thoughts are not that children EVER should be involved or injured, harmed in any way with this ongoing wronged violence, but I do believe it is proper for them to watch it from afar as Emad's children do in the film because they deserve to see what the harsh reality of their future may be, and how to end it and fight for change.
http://www.aljazeera.com/news/2015/10/israel-excess-force-palestinian-children-decried-151021140956296.html
Monday, November 9, 2015
The Role of Capitalism in Illegal Settlements
From http://www.israelbonds.com/home.aspx
We've explored a few of the many examples of large corporate or capitalistic interests driving governmental policy, whether it be the southwestern agrobusiness' influence on the US Border Patrol, or in the invasions and occupations of Puerto Rico, Colombia, Mexico, Haiti, etc. to protect US business interests or expand them. And while watching 5 Broken Cameras, I began wondering about the settlement construction, why are they building them and who profits? Particularly, I decided to investigate the companies that construct the settlements and see if those construction companies play key roles in lobbying, encouraging, or reinforcing unjust policies that in turn benefit them economically, as is done in the US and many other places. Though I could not through a small bit of poking around see how much lobbying and direct influence many companies have on settlement construction, I discovered a huge number of companies participating in different ways in the disenfranchisement and abuse of Palestinians. Below are a few examples.
Whoprofits.org organized a database of companies that fall into any of their three categories "of corporate involvement in the settlement industry: Israeli companies which are located in the settlements and thus use the resources of Palestinian land and labor in their production; Companies involved in sustaining the settlements and connecting them to Israel; Companies involved in real estate deals and the construction of Israeli infrastructure and settlements on occupied land." 158 companies alone provide construction services to Israeli settlements on Palestinian land. For example, CRH is one of the largest cement manufacturers and distributors in Israel. CRH provides most of the cement used, and has acknowledged that their cement was most likely used in the construction of the Separation Wall. Also, "through an agreement with the Palestinian Authority and its fully owned Palestinian Commercial Services Company (PCSC), the West Bank and the Gaza strip constitute a captive market for Nesher's cement." Thus, CRH is able to capitalize both from Israeli occupation, and the stifling political effects on Palestinians, which decrease the choices for businesses and construction companies they can utilize in infrastructure and other improvements in occupied regions. Palestinian Authority is purchasing from a company that financially benefits from settlement construction and owns a stake in a company that does transportation for the Israeli military. The single example of CRH demonstrates that economic oppression occurs from many direction and in many different ways. Interestingly, CRH is based in Ireland, thus demonstrating that the company need not be headquartered in a country to benefit from a country's practices.
(http://whoprofits.org/involvement/settlement-industry)
Another example is the Israel Bonds. Israel Bonds are bonds issued by the State of Israel in the United States, and are in part financed by US financial support to Israel. But even more interesting than that is that the bonds are underwritten by the DCI, or the Development Corporation for Israel, which orchestrates settlement construction in occupied Palestinian territories. Many US states and municipalities purchase these bonds in large quantities, and the purchase is seen as a direct support of Israeli actions against Palestinians. Israel Bonds on their website discuss how the bonds are utilized by the state of Israel: "Proceeds from the sale of bonds have played a decisive role in Israel’s rapid evolution into a groundbreaking, globally emulated leader in high-tech, cleantech and biotech. Israel bond capital has helped strengthen every aspect of Israel’s economy, enabling national infrastructure development. Today, expanded ports and transportation networks enabled by investments in Israel bonds help facilitate shipment of ‘Made in Israel’ technology around the world, enhancing national export growth." Israel Bonds demonstrate the direct implications of US investment into Israeli policies and as a support for Palestinian occupation. Also, this support coming as part of a bond program with fininacial and corporate desires demonstrates that the absues agaisnt Palestinians are not purely ideological, but that profits are used to produce those abuses and profits are gained from the abuses.
(http://www.unz.com/article/israel-bonds-are-a-high-risk-investment/)
The Electronic Intifada details the connections of two of Israel's main banks to financing both individual settlers and larger companies buying and building in illegal settlements. Bank Hapoalim and Bank Leumi as noted in the article financially support settlement endeavors, but I believe that it can easily be stated that they financially benefit from these mortgages as well, they profit from the interest from their customers, thus the banks would want to encourage and continue financing in these areas since they are rapidly and continuing to increase. (https://electronicintifada.net/content/israeli-banks-entrenched-settlement-building/8507)

Other Resources and Readings:
Brief History
https://informationvisualized.files.wordpress.com/2012/11/israeli-palestinian-conflict.jpg
Listing of Corporations that benefit from Settlement construction
http://www.interfaithpeaceinitiative.com/profiting.pdf
http://972mag.com/major-israeli-construction-company-pulls-out-of-settlement-industry/98089/
https://electronicintifada.net/content/report-uk-economic-links-israeli-settlements/3423
http://www.thejerusalemfund.org/ht/a/GetDocumentAction/i/8344
https://www.afsc.org/resource/israel%E2%80%99s-settlement-policy-occupied-palestinian-territory
The Palestinian Conflict
There is a famous saying "if you don't know your history, it will repeat itself." This famous quote has been said for years and brought up a lot when discussing civil or social inequalities. We often like to say forget the past and move on, but it' crucial to know your past despite what happened or discover what is hidden. Chomsky and Pappè would say that telling people to forget about their past is the equivalent of "I've got what I want, and you forget what your concerns are. I'll just take what I want," (On Palestine pg. 49). That's what Palestinitans are often told when confronted with their border supression with the Isralis. But there is a bbigger history behind this issue that many people tend to look past, whcih in result they have the conflicts that they're dealing with today.
Let's look at post-World War II, after Jewish liberation across Europe, many Americans and American Jews didn't want to deal with their own people. Many look at it as taking up a burden that the rest of the world didn't want. There were even laws to keep Italians and Jews from immigrating into the United States. Similar to today with he Palestine conflict. Israeli's moved into foreign land and claimed it as their own and an entire people have to go without so the people of Israel can settle on their land. Yet, criticisms of the Palestine/Israel conflict like to point fingers at who's land it is now, forgetting the past, and taking on the future with an empty slate. Erasing the people who have been left homeless and even died fighting for their land; but they're continually told to forget, forget about everything that was once yours and let us enjoy your former land.
Let's look at post-World War II, after Jewish liberation across Europe, many Americans and American Jews didn't want to deal with their own people. Many look at it as taking up a burden that the rest of the world didn't want. There were even laws to keep Italians and Jews from immigrating into the United States. Similar to today with he Palestine conflict. Israeli's moved into foreign land and claimed it as their own and an entire people have to go without so the people of Israel can settle on their land. Yet, criticisms of the Palestine/Israel conflict like to point fingers at who's land it is now, forgetting the past, and taking on the future with an empty slate. Erasing the people who have been left homeless and even died fighting for their land; but they're continually told to forget, forget about everything that was once yours and let us enjoy your former land.
Palestinian Women and the Right to Exist
In the movie 5 Broken Cameras, I noticed that the men
were the stars of the film, leading the way for with their sons close behind,
to the wall , to the outpost, to the resistance. I saw the women singing in
celebration but keeping themselves behind the scenes, behind the camera, behind
the wall. I saw them mourn for the 7 year old who was killed by a sniper,
gathered together weeping and praying.
I knew that the
women were not as complicit as they seemed. Emad’s wife was a force to be
reckoned with in the film, reiterating to her children time and time again that
they must resist and that they had a right to exist in the land they were born
to. So I searched the internet to find information in the ways I which women
were resisting under these conditions and found Al Jazeera’s article “How
Palestinian Women Defy Israel’s Occupation”
The article
features three women- a mother, an artist, and a woman who refuses to leave.
Lidia Rimawi’s husband, after being married for only 4 months, was arrested and
convicted as a political prisoner and will be 50 before he is released. The
couple still wanted children so they smuggled his sperm out of prison and
months later their son Majd was born. The guards refuse to allow their son in,
knowing that he is a sign of resistance and a victory embodied. Rimawi says “I
did this to challenge the occupation.” Her husband suffered the consequences
further in an extension of his sentence by 2 months and a 5,000 shekel fine
($1,300). The couple has vowed to have more children and continue what they
view as resistance to the occupation- “Women like Lidia make up the backbone of
the resistance movement in Palestine. As givers of life, keepers of family
tradition, and culture bearers, they continue to resist in often under-reported
and under-acknowledged ways.”
Fulla Jallad
actively participates in the resistance, throwing rocks while surrounded by
tear gas, she says “The role of woman as resistor is a vital role," she
says. "I believe woman is the mother of a martyr. She is the sister of a
fighter. She's the daughter of a hunger striker." Jallad painted the
portrait of a man who was starving himself for being held on no charge by
Israelis, and that portrait has circulated since she posed with it next to the
Red Cross- “Hungry for Dignity”. She also works as a tour guide at the Natar
Resort, the largest museum on the West Bank, saying, "I get to show the
world that Palestine has always existed. In the war of existence, to exist is
to resist."
The article
ends with the story of Wadid, a Palestinian woman who refuses to leave her home
despite threats and offers of money. She is situated with three other homes
right outside East Jerusalem, and tourists pass by daily, creating a spectacle
of her life. Her son was murdered by an Israeli minor who served almost no time
for the crime and whose family lives a few houses away. She claims her husband’s
dying wish was for her to always remain in the home and to never take money for
it. She is 78 years old and says she isn’t going anywhere- “I stay here because it is our land. It's
Palestinian land."
The ways in which resistance surfaces and forms is
unpredictable. Everyone comes to the table with various privileges and
positions, but I believe that the ways in which Palestinian women resist may be
some of the most covert and creative tactics I have learned about. These women
have to tread lightly around their very strict gender roles, religiously
reinforced, but continue living in an occupied state that denies their very right
to exist. I think the occupation has done what many acts of oppression have
done in the past, and made rebels out of the trampled. These women refuse to be
silent and refuse to be overlooked. They continue to liberate themselves and
their loved ones through the physical act of creating life, to reminding
everyone of the historical right and past of Palestine’s existence.
SIDENOTE: I happened to stumble across this movie this
weekend (very weird coincidence) and watched it and it was SO good, and
relevant to the class. It’s fiction, but it’s superb and depicts the struggle well I think
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=v5dSeBD-qiY
Sunday, November 1, 2015
Eenie Meanie Miney Mo...You Get to Stay and You Must Go...
(My apologies for the late arrival to the party....it's been one of those weeks, but alas, here I am.)
Prior to this course, I hadn't really given much thought or attention to the concept of citizenship and its numerous forms. Whether it be jus soli, jus sanguinis, or any other form, there should be a uniformed and unanimous enforcement of said citizenship rights across the board, regardless of one's family origins, parental origins, or, as the case here in point, the debate of birthright citizenship pertaining to Mexican immigrants as well as Haitian-Dominican immigrants, both of which have components at play that resemble the biopower and biopolitics discourse found in Inda's article on Latina reproduction.
This discussion on biopower/biopolitics and the ability to determine who is and isn't worthy of or allowed access to the services and assistance to livelihood plays directly into both the previous discussion on Latina reproduction, as well as the tangent of birthright citizenship pertaining to the children born in the United States to said immigrants (more on this later), as well as in other contexts, such as the Haitian-Dominican scenario as discussed in this week's readings. For areas that have jus soli and jus sanguinis birthright citizenship, these cases of stripping away citizenship at a moment's notice are an atrocity in the face of an obviously broken judicial system. The very meanings of these citizenship types, by soil and by blood, respectively, should in themselves instill an instantaneous and non-retractable rite of access to full citizenship.
As with many election years, the upcoming 2016 election will have much to say about immigration issues, including discussions on birthright citizenship and candidates' views and histories with the topic. And as always, there are instances of individual states abusing our own mandates of citizenship, i.e. the 14th Amendment, but a full discussion of the latter is more geared for a venue of political science than here. Instead, I turn your attention to the following articles from various news and media outlets:
Birthright Citizenship Denial in Texas Deemed Unconstitutional
Bobby Jindal - "No, I'm not an anchor baby..."
And lastly, and this I found most interesting, given the vast and massive amount of outspoken GOPers regarding immigration and birthright citizenship, I give you this (which indirectly counteracts the aforementioned article regarding Mr. Jindal):
How Many Candidates "Have Already Taken Advantage of" Birthright Citizenship?
Prior to this course, I hadn't really given much thought or attention to the concept of citizenship and its numerous forms. Whether it be jus soli, jus sanguinis, or any other form, there should be a uniformed and unanimous enforcement of said citizenship rights across the board, regardless of one's family origins, parental origins, or, as the case here in point, the debate of birthright citizenship pertaining to Mexican immigrants as well as Haitian-Dominican immigrants, both of which have components at play that resemble the biopower and biopolitics discourse found in Inda's article on Latina reproduction.
This discussion on biopower/biopolitics and the ability to determine who is and isn't worthy of or allowed access to the services and assistance to livelihood plays directly into both the previous discussion on Latina reproduction, as well as the tangent of birthright citizenship pertaining to the children born in the United States to said immigrants (more on this later), as well as in other contexts, such as the Haitian-Dominican scenario as discussed in this week's readings. For areas that have jus soli and jus sanguinis birthright citizenship, these cases of stripping away citizenship at a moment's notice are an atrocity in the face of an obviously broken judicial system. The very meanings of these citizenship types, by soil and by blood, respectively, should in themselves instill an instantaneous and non-retractable rite of access to full citizenship.
As with many election years, the upcoming 2016 election will have much to say about immigration issues, including discussions on birthright citizenship and candidates' views and histories with the topic. And as always, there are instances of individual states abusing our own mandates of citizenship, i.e. the 14th Amendment, but a full discussion of the latter is more geared for a venue of political science than here. Instead, I turn your attention to the following articles from various news and media outlets:
Birthright Citizenship Denial in Texas Deemed Unconstitutional
Bobby Jindal - "No, I'm not an anchor baby..."
And lastly, and this I found most interesting, given the vast and massive amount of outspoken GOPers regarding immigration and birthright citizenship, I give you this (which indirectly counteracts the aforementioned article regarding Mr. Jindal):
How Many Candidates "Have Already Taken Advantage of" Birthright Citizenship?
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